The President of the Republic decided the campaign strategy of Morena and its allied parties based on the presentation of a package of 18 reform initiatives to the constitution and 2 to secondary laws. Beyond the contents proposed in each one and the viability that they may have for their approval, there are publicly recognized purposes so that they are known to the electorate with the implementation of an ambitious plan for their dissemination.
If what some voices of the ruling party have declared are implemented, as is the case of Ignacio Mier, a national strategy is prepared to be commented on in forums that will be held throughout the country: at least 37 national deliberation forums, 5 sessions open parliament, 32 state forums, five in the multi-member constituencies, 300 information assemblies, one for each electoral district.
Aside from the bizarre nature of the dissemination plan, the president has designed an invasive strategy trying to ensure that the supposed deliberation of the proposals acquires the greatest possible centrality, so that his initiatives are talked about throughout the country, even though he does not have qualified majorities in the chambers of deputies and senators for the approval of those that are most controversial and about which the opposition parties have indicated that they will not approve them.
This number of forums would be organized in the middle of electoral campaigns, with the greatest possible coverage, distracting the attention of Mexicans who would be inundated with messages alluding to the topic, causing them to lose interest in the proposals of the presidential candidates, while that the presence of all opposition candidates would be reduced to a minimum and they would practically be made invisible. The beneficiaries would be the candidates of the ruling party, those who will present themselves assuming the commitment to support and assume the intended reforms.
It seems that the President wins in any scenario. The truth is that there is an urgent need for the country to talk about its initiatives and not about the hole that the recently published journalistic investigations opened to its legitimacy, coupled with the effects of the dissemination made on social networks, due to the possible financing of organized crime. the 2006 campaign and the possible links of his children in acts of corruption.
The electoral scenario appears very complicated for the opposition candidacies, but also for the electoral authorities today stuck in multiple statements about the presence of organized crime in previous elections and in the ongoing processes, still without defining satisfactory protocols to guarantee security. of candidates and electoral officials. There are also the risks that derive from the interventionism of public servants who have demonstrated zero attachment to the constitution that obliges them not to intervene in the elections, but who in the dissemination of presidential initiatives will have an invaluable opportunity to participate in frank violation of the law.
The behavior of the federal and local electoral authorities and, above all, their real capacity to guarantee a neat organization and authenticity of the elections is an unknown, even more so if we consider the current problems of public insecurity, budget reductions in various federative entities and the fact that many institutes and electoral tribunals are incomplete, because those to fill the vacancies have deliberately not been appointed.
Professor at UNAM and UP. Electoral specialist